Female Migration to Australia 1788-1852
The First Fleet arrived in Port Jackson on 26 January 1788 with 732 convicts aboard. No single definitive list of people who travelled on those ships exists however it is thought that there were about three male convicts for every female convict. This imbalance in the population of the new colony caused problems for various reasons and various schemes were introduced at different times to increase the female population.
Between 1833 and 1837, 14 ships departed from ports in England and Ireland carrying nearly 3000 single women to Port Jackson and to what was then known as Van Diemen's Land, now Tasmania. One of these ships was the Duchess of Northumberland which carried my great-great-great-grandmother, Bridget Seery (nee Daly) and her small daughter, Winifred.
The following sources have been very helpful in my research into Bridget's voyage to Australia.
Between 1833 and 1837, 14 ships departed from ports in England and Ireland carrying nearly 3000 single women to Port Jackson and to what was then known as Van Diemen's Land, now Tasmania. One of these ships was the Duchess of Northumberland which carried my great-great-great-grandmother, Bridget Seery (nee Daly) and her small daughter, Winifred.
The following sources have been very helpful in my research into Bridget's voyage to Australia.
Robinson, Portia. (1993). The Women of Botany Bay.
This book describes the lives of women convicts and convict's wives transported to New South Wales from Britain and Ireland between 1787 and 1828. Derived from contemporary records, it records their achievements and contribution to society. It includes extensive lists of women transported, a name index, and general index.
This book added greatly to my understanding of the mindsets and concerns of the English authorities charged with the responsibility of managing the transportation of Irish and English convicts to New South Wales. They were concerned with minimising expenditure and were not moved in the slightest by petitions on behalf of prisoners concerning wives and children who were to be left destitute and vulnerable without their husbands, fathers and mothers. Many men and women petitioned for permission for their wives, husbands or children to be allowed to travel with them or to join them in the colony but permission was rarely granted and "comparatively small numbers of convict wives arrived in New South Wales during the first twenty or so years of settlement." (p.173).
When convict wives were permitted to join their husbands, there was an expectation that they would not prove an expense on the colonial purse but this expectation was not realised in most cases (p.175). To try to ensure that they did not prove an economic burden on arrival in the colony, an informal regulation was adopted in about 1815 "that any convict requesting the indulgence of a passage for his wife must first receive the recommendation of the colonial governor" (p.176).
"It was not until the early 1820s that numbers of convict wives increased with every transport arriving in the colony" (p.178). The regulations and procedures for obtaining free passage were still unclear to the convict husbands in New South Wales, to their wives back in England, to colonial and British officials and to local authorities in England, however, a certificate from the governor stating the convict's ability 'to maintain his wife and family on their arrival' was key." (p.179)
The other interesting thing I learnt from this book is that "the lower orders of British and Irish society saw Botany Bay not as a place of punishment but as a place where they could find opportunities unheard of in their homeland" (p.182). Stories filtered back to England and Ireland of unskilled convict men becoming landowners, publicans and independent working men able to support wives and families and even to employ servants and labourers. There were stories of men with few or no skills who became well-established in the colonial economy (p.182). Letters from convicts telling such stories were apparently not uncommon (p.183).
"The success or failure of petitions from wives and convicted husbands formed no predictable pattern during the first forty years of transportation to New South Wales. The single factor which appeared to determine official response, both in Britain and in the colony, was an economic one. Would this 'indulgence' involve increase in colonial expenditure?" (p.184).
The Women of Botany Bay is no longer in print in 2021 but is available from some libraries.
This book added greatly to my understanding of the mindsets and concerns of the English authorities charged with the responsibility of managing the transportation of Irish and English convicts to New South Wales. They were concerned with minimising expenditure and were not moved in the slightest by petitions on behalf of prisoners concerning wives and children who were to be left destitute and vulnerable without their husbands, fathers and mothers. Many men and women petitioned for permission for their wives, husbands or children to be allowed to travel with them or to join them in the colony but permission was rarely granted and "comparatively small numbers of convict wives arrived in New South Wales during the first twenty or so years of settlement." (p.173).
When convict wives were permitted to join their husbands, there was an expectation that they would not prove an expense on the colonial purse but this expectation was not realised in most cases (p.175). To try to ensure that they did not prove an economic burden on arrival in the colony, an informal regulation was adopted in about 1815 "that any convict requesting the indulgence of a passage for his wife must first receive the recommendation of the colonial governor" (p.176).
"It was not until the early 1820s that numbers of convict wives increased with every transport arriving in the colony" (p.178). The regulations and procedures for obtaining free passage were still unclear to the convict husbands in New South Wales, to their wives back in England, to colonial and British officials and to local authorities in England, however, a certificate from the governor stating the convict's ability 'to maintain his wife and family on their arrival' was key." (p.179)
The other interesting thing I learnt from this book is that "the lower orders of British and Irish society saw Botany Bay not as a place of punishment but as a place where they could find opportunities unheard of in their homeland" (p.182). Stories filtered back to England and Ireland of unskilled convict men becoming landowners, publicans and independent working men able to support wives and families and even to employ servants and labourers. There were stories of men with few or no skills who became well-established in the colonial economy (p.182). Letters from convicts telling such stories were apparently not uncommon (p.183).
"The success or failure of petitions from wives and convicted husbands formed no predictable pattern during the first forty years of transportation to New South Wales. The single factor which appeared to determine official response, both in Britain and in the colony, was an economic one. Would this 'indulgence' involve increase in colonial expenditure?" (p.184).
The Women of Botany Bay is no longer in print in 2021 but is available from some libraries.
Rushen, Elizabeth. (2016). Single & Free.
Describes the first scheme for female migration from Britain to Australia in the 1830s. The women's life experiences show they were drawn from a wide cross-section of society. This book challenges those who disparaged these women; they were bold and enterprising, ideal workers and wives in the new colonies.
Bridget Seery travelled to Australia on a ship which was supposed to be carrying only single women. This policy was strictly adhered to so Bridget's presence on the ship is a bit of a mystery. How did she obtain approval to travel (I doubt she had the money to pay her own passage) and why was she allowed to travel as a married woman on this ship?
Between 1833 and 1837, 14 ships carried nearly 3000 single women from Britain and Ireland to New South Wales and Tasmania. The ships travelled from London, Dublin and Cork to Sydney, Hobart and Launceston.
The London Emigration Committee (LEC) was responsible for promoting the scheme and for administering the embarkation of the ships over the four years. Promotional posters and other material encouraged women to migrate for the opportunities they would have in the new colony and an incentive of £6-£12 was paid to successful candidates. The women were dressmakers, midwives, teachers, cooks and maids and it was envisaged that they would also become wives and mothers in the new colony. The LEC selected the women, ships and crews and financed and organised all the details for embarkation.
In Ireland, the destitution of the poor, even in the pre-famine years, was of great concern to the government and emigration was seen as a key factor in the relief of the poor (p.40). Stringent tests of character were applied to the Irish women and the women who departed on the Duchess of Northumberland (the first of the Irish ships to depart) were certified to be "industrious and virtuous, and alone desirous to earn and procure in a foreign land that subsistence denied them at home" (p.41).
Some of the women had been living in charitable institutions and emigration was really the only way for them to improve their circumstances. In fact, 60% of the women who sailed on the Duchess of Northumberland were listed as being from charitable institutions, the largest number of all the LEC ships. When the ship arrived in Sydney, the Colonial Treasurer declared that the women were "from every point of view ... the most virtuous and best adapted for this colony, which have as yet been sent ..." (p.40)
The women travelling on these ships under the LEC scheme were all single. Some travelled to join family members who had emigrated earlier but none were joining convict husbands. The intent was to provide workers and wives for the single men of the colony and the requirement that the women be unmarried was strictly enforced.
This book mentions an Irish community in the Yass-Goulburn district (p.163) and it was in this area that Bridget Seery and her daughter settled with their husband and father, the convict Michael Seery.
Bridget Seery travelled to Australia on a ship which was supposed to be carrying only single women. This policy was strictly adhered to so Bridget's presence on the ship is a bit of a mystery. How did she obtain approval to travel (I doubt she had the money to pay her own passage) and why was she allowed to travel as a married woman on this ship?
Between 1833 and 1837, 14 ships carried nearly 3000 single women from Britain and Ireland to New South Wales and Tasmania. The ships travelled from London, Dublin and Cork to Sydney, Hobart and Launceston.
The London Emigration Committee (LEC) was responsible for promoting the scheme and for administering the embarkation of the ships over the four years. Promotional posters and other material encouraged women to migrate for the opportunities they would have in the new colony and an incentive of £6-£12 was paid to successful candidates. The women were dressmakers, midwives, teachers, cooks and maids and it was envisaged that they would also become wives and mothers in the new colony. The LEC selected the women, ships and crews and financed and organised all the details for embarkation.
In Ireland, the destitution of the poor, even in the pre-famine years, was of great concern to the government and emigration was seen as a key factor in the relief of the poor (p.40). Stringent tests of character were applied to the Irish women and the women who departed on the Duchess of Northumberland (the first of the Irish ships to depart) were certified to be "industrious and virtuous, and alone desirous to earn and procure in a foreign land that subsistence denied them at home" (p.41).
Some of the women had been living in charitable institutions and emigration was really the only way for them to improve their circumstances. In fact, 60% of the women who sailed on the Duchess of Northumberland were listed as being from charitable institutions, the largest number of all the LEC ships. When the ship arrived in Sydney, the Colonial Treasurer declared that the women were "from every point of view ... the most virtuous and best adapted for this colony, which have as yet been sent ..." (p.40)
The women travelling on these ships under the LEC scheme were all single. Some travelled to join family members who had emigrated earlier but none were joining convict husbands. The intent was to provide workers and wives for the single men of the colony and the requirement that the women be unmarried was strictly enforced.
This book mentions an Irish community in the Yass-Goulburn district (p.163) and it was in this area that Bridget Seery and her daughter settled with their husband and father, the convict Michael Seery.
Rushen, Elizabeth. (2014). Colonial Duchesses.
In just two years, 750 young Irish women sailed from Cork to Sydney on the 'Duchess of Northumberland' in 1834 and again in 1836 and on the 'James Pattison' in 1835. For the women who took the courageous decision to emigrate, the pain of leaving Ireland was mixed with the excitement of forging a new life in the colony of New South Wales. This book examines the backgrounds and lives of these young women. Their experiences are representative of countless numbers of single immigrant women who came to Australia during the nineteenth century.
Bridget and her daughter travelled on the Duchess of Northumberland and Bridget is mentioned twice by name in this book.
The Women of Botany Bay is no longer in print in 2021 but is available from some libraries.
Bridget and her daughter travelled on the Duchess of Northumberland and Bridget is mentioned twice by name in this book.
The Women of Botany Bay is no longer in print in 2021 but is available from some libraries.
Parrott, Jennifer. (1994). For the Moral Good? The Government Scheme to Unite Convicts with their Families 1818-1843.
This thesis was very helpful to me in understanding the government scheme to unite convicts with their families.
Parrott notes that there is a possibility some women committed crimes in order to be transported to join their husbands. The Elizabeth which arrived in 1828 from Cork is suspected of carrying some women who had chosen this method of joining their husbands. (p.103).
Parrott notes that there is a possibility some women committed crimes in order to be transported to join their husbands. The Elizabeth which arrived in 1828 from Cork is suspected of carrying some women who had chosen this method of joining their husbands. (p.103).
Free Settlers' Papers, 1828-1852
After serving a minimum of four years, male convicts had the right to request a free passage for their wife and family to join them. The papers contain lists of those making such requests, along with transportation details and the names and addresses of the wives. A number of petitions from husbands and wives and prisoners' letters are also included. (from Tracing Your Irish Ancestors: The Complete Guide).